Sustaining access to antiretroviral therapy in
the less-developed world: lessons from Brazil
Nathan FordDavid WilsonGabriela Costa Chaves,
Michel Lotrowskaand Kannikar Kijtiwatchakul
Antiretroviral rollout in Brazil and Thailand Brazil and Thailand are among fewdeveloping countries to achieve universal access to antiretroviral therapy. Three factorswere critical to this success: legislation for free access to treatment; public sectorcapacity to manufacture medicines; and strong civil society action to support govern-ment initiatives to improve access. Local production of affordable, non-patented drugs Many older antiretroviral drugsare not patented in either country and affordable generic versions are manufactured bylocal pharmaceutical institutes. Efforts to ensure access to expensive, patented drugs Developing countries were notrequired to grant patents on medicines until 2005, but under US government threats oftrade sanctions, Thailand and Brazil began doing so at least ten years prior to this date. Brazil has used price negotiations with multi-national pharmaceutical companies tolower the price of newer patented antiretrovirals. However, the prices obtained by thisapproach remain unaffordable. Thailand recently employed compulsory licensing fortwo antiretrovirals, obtaining substantial price reductions, both for generic and brandproducts. Following Thailand’s example, Brazil has issued its first compulsory license. Lessons learned Middle-income countries are unable to pay the high prices of multi-national pharmaceutical companies. By relying on negotiations with companies, Brazilpays up to four times more for some drugs compared with prices available interna-tionally. Compulsory licensing has brought treatment with newer antiretrovirals withinreach in Thailand, but has resulted in pressure from industry and the US government. Aninformed and engaged civil society is essential to support governments in putting healthbefore trade.
ß 2007 Lippincott Williams & Wilkins
Keywords: access, antiretrovirals, patent protection, Brazil, Thailand
and support government initiatives to improve access. This paper looks at strategies employed to improve access
Increasing and sustaining access to affordable antiretro-
to key antiretroviral drugs in these two countries and
viral therapy (ART) continues to pose many challenges
reflects on the relative successes of each in order to
for the developing world. Brazil and Thailand are among
identify factors for future success.
the few developing countries that can be said to haveachieved universal access to ART The success of thesetwo countries has depended on three positive factors: acommitment to ensuring universal access to ART with
legislation giving free access to treatment; public sectorcapacity to manufacture medicines; and strong civil
The Brazilian public health system began providing
society action to challenge the lack of access to medicines
antiretroviral agents (zidovudine monotherapy) in 1991.
From the aMe´decins Sans Frontie`res, Bangkok, Thailand, and the bMe´decins Sans Frontie`res, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Correspondence to Me´decins Sans Frontie`res, 522 Mooban Nakorn Thai 14, Ladphrao Soi 101/1, Bangkok 10240, Thailand. E-mail:
ISSN 0269-9370 Q 2007 Lippincott Williams & Wilkins
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Table 1. Demographics, development status and HIV in Brazil and
WHO, Me´decins Sans Frontie`res and Oxfam, helped
strengthen Thailand’s newly established national HIV/
AIDS treatment programme and supported Thailand’sefforts to manufacture and procure generic antiretroviral
medicines Since then, the number of individuals on
ART has increased sharply from approximately 3000 at
the start of 2002 to 27 000 by the end of 2003, rising to
53 000 by February 2005 and 83 000 by December
ART, Antiretroviral therapy; GDP, gross domestic product. Sources:UNDP Brazilian Ministry of Health, Thai Bureau of AIDS, TB
aEstimates for 15–49 year olds for 2004
In both countries the local generic production ofantiretroviral drugs by private (national) and state-owned
At that time, new medicines were being clinically
pharmaceutical institutes has been essential to ensuring
approved internationally and civil society groups, which
have played a central role in Brazil’s response to AIDS started to take legal action demanding that the govern-
In Brazil, generic antiretroviral drugs are produced by
ment supply these new drugs. This approach established
a number of federal and state laboratories, the most
the judicial basis for guaranteeing universal access to
significant being the federal public laboratory Far-
treatment for people living with HIV/AIDS within the
Manguinhos. Local production of non-patented first-
line drugs, coupled with price negotiations withpharmaceutical companies for newer drugs subject to
Nationwide access to ARTwas kick-started in 1996 when
patent, has helped the government steadily to reduce
Brazil’s Congress enacted a law requiring free treatment
its average annual cost for ART, from approximately
for individuals with AIDS. Under this law, responsibility
US$4350 per patient in 1999 to US$1517 in 2004
to provide ART came under the federal government
(Unless otherwise stated, all prices in this article are public
By the end of 1997, an estimated 35 900 people were
sector prices.) Eight of the 17 antiretroviral drugs
receiving ART; this increased to 105 000 by 2001 and
currently purchased by the government are manufactured
153 000 by the end of 2004 Between 1996 and 2004
AIDS mortality was reduced by 50%, and AIDS-relatedhospitalizations fell by 80%
Thailand’s Government Pharmaceutical Organization(GPO) began research and development into antiretro-
Thailand began providing antiretroviral monotherapy
viral drugs (zidovudine and didanosine) in 1992. Generic
with zidovudine in 1992, switching to dual therapy
zidovudine entered the market in 1995 at one-sixth the
(zidovudine with either didanosine or zalcitabine) in
price of the originator drug. Generic didanosine was
1995. Zidovudine became available generically in 1995,
blocked in 1998 by a patent application by BMS (Bristol-
but didanosine and zalcitabine were patented and
Myers Squibb) GPO currently produces six anti-
expensive. A joint evaluation by the World Bank, the
retroviral drugs and two fixed-dose combinations in a
World Health Organization (WHO) and the Ministry of
range of dosages, which are between two (for nevirapine)
Public Health (MOPH) concluded that the programme
and 25 (for stavudine) times cheaper than the cheapest
was high cost and low benefit but this economic
originator equivalents. Triple therapy is currently available
review did not take into account the possibility of lower
as a fixed-dose combination (GPO-vir) at a monthly cost of
drug prices. In 2000, the government began providing
US$360 per patient per year, compared with US$4376 for
triple therapy for individuals with HIV/AIDS, but again
the patented, non-fixed-dose combination drugs.
reliance on expensive brand drugs limited the bene-ficiaries to 1500 individuals.
The average cost of treatment in both countries isincreasing as a result of the increasing need to access
The wide-scale provision of ART began in 2003, once
became broadly available, in particular the fixed-dose
triple combination of stavudine, lamivudine and nevira-
Local antiretroviral manufacture in Brazil and Thailand
pine (GPO-vir). In February 2003, a delegation of senior
has depended on the fact that these medicines were not
officials from MOPH and individuals living with HIV/
patented in both countries. According to the World Trade
AIDS from Thailand undertook a study visit to Brazil.
Organization’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects
This exchange, which was supported by UNAIDS,
of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), developing
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Sustaining access to antiretroviral therapy in developing countries Ford et al.
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countries were not required to grant patents on medicines
Review Board, with authority to collect economic data,
until January 2005 Trade pressure, however,
including the production cost of pharmaceuticals, but the
particularly from the United States, pushed this forward
United States objected and after a 1999 amendment
in both countries, and the TRIPS Agreement was fully
to the Thai Patent Act the Pharmaceutical Patent Review
implemented in Brazil in 1997 and in Thailand in 1992
Board was disbanded and the right to issue compulsory
licences for pharmaceuticals was restricted TheSafety Monitoring Programme remains in place.
Up until the early 1980s, Brazil’s intellectual propertylaws did not recognize patents on pharmaceutical products
and processes. In response to US pressure, however,
All HIV/AIDS treatment programmes need access to
including economic sanctions, the Brazilian government
newer medicines to provide treatment options in case of
passed an industrial property law which was
drug resistance or intolerance, and the need for these
approved in 1996, the same year as the law guaranteeing
medicines increases over time. These newer drugs are
free AIDS treatment The new patent law included a
under patent protection in the majority of countries
number of provisions that go further than required by the
and are far more expensive than those used in first-line
TRIPS Agreement (TRIPS-plus provisions). The most
detrimental of these to the availability of antiretroviralmedicines is the ‘pipeline mechanism’, which provides
Brazil started to grant patents for pharmaceuticals in May
retroactive patent protection for medicines not yet
1997. Within a year, new patented medicines were
marketed in Brazil but which have been granted patent
included in the national AIDS programme, and these
protection elsewhere. Under this mechanism, a number
began to consume an increasing amount of the treatment
of key antiretroviral drugs, including abacavir, efavirenz,
budget By 2003, three newer patented drugs,
lopinavir/ritonavir, nelfinavir and amprenavir were
lopinavir/ritonavir, nelfinavir, and efavirenz, were taking
granted patent protection without any technical exam-
up 63% of the total ART budget. In 2005, imports
accounted for 80% of government expenditures onantiretroviral drugs, and total annual expenditures are
As a result of concern over rising intellectual property
projected to increase further with the inclusion of newer
protection, an amendment was passed in 2001 that
drugs such as atazanavir (US$2190 per patient/year) and
included a number of public health flexibilities. One
emtricitabine (US$17 000 per patient/year) in the
such mechanism, called ‘prior consent’, authorizes the
Brazilian Drug Regulatory Authority to assess patentclaims for pharmaceutical products and processes before a
In Thailand, antiretroviral expenditure as a percentage of
patent is granted This is a rare example of a
the national health budget is expected to increase from
government health authority playing a formal role in the
6.1% in 2004 to 10.2% in 2010. According to WHO
examination of pharmaceutical patent applications.
estimates, second-line therapy for one quarter of allpatients will be absorbing three-quarters of the treatment
Thailand has been under threat of trade sanctions from the
budget by 2020, and the cost of ART with second-line
US government to introduce strong patent protection for
regimens could reach US$500 million per year if prices
pharmaceuticals since 1985, even though process patents
for pharmaceuticals had been introduced in the ThaiPatent Act since 1979 Out of concern for publichealth, Thai academics, lawyers, non-governmentalorganizations and health advocates formed an alliance
to monitor this trade pressure, but public awareness
remained low, and despite the efforts of civil societyintellectual property protection has increased. In 1992,
Civil society and government in both countries have
under US government pressure Thailand passed a
fought hard to secure the availability of antiretroviral
law introducing pharmaceutical product patent protec-
drugs, using a range of strategies and policy options to
tion and extending patent life from 15 to 20 years. In
addition, ‘pipeline product protection’ was introduced toprovide market exclusivity for new drugs registered in
Thailand that had been granted a patent elsewhere
In Brazil, price negotiations, backed by the threat of
between 1986 and 1991. The provision, known as the
compulsory licensing and local generic production, have
‘Safety Monitoring Programme’ allows a period of
been the main strategy used by the government to lower
2 years’ market exclusivity (renewable on request of the
the price of patented antiretroviral drugs.
pharmaceutical company) for the purposes of collectingpostmarketing surveillance data As a safeguard,
Between 2001 and 2003 the Brazilian government
the government created the Pharmaceutical Patent
negotiated discounts on a number of patented drugs.
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Sustaining access to antiretroviral therapy in developing countries Ford et al.
Table 3. Overview of strategies to improve access to affordable medicines in Brazil and Thailand.
Roche offers price of US$31 718 Government accepts price
Health and Development Successful: application
US government. Abbottoffers price of US$2000
(price $170), while localproduction is prepared
GPO, Government Pharmaceutical Organization; MOH, Ministry of Health; MOPH, Ministry of Public Health; WHO, World HealthOrganization.
By basing negotiations on production cost estimates
tactic of threatening to issue compulsory licences, without
calculated by FarManguinhos and threats to issue a
ever doing so, was losing credibility.
compulsory licence, significant price reductions wereobtained for efavirenz (73%), lopinavir/ritonavir (56%)
With increasing numbers of patients on second-line
and nelfinavir (74%). Although these percentage dis-
treatments, the average treatment cost had risen by over
counts appear impressive, the initial prices offered by
US$1000 per patient per year to US$2616 by 2005; the
pharmaceutical companies were very high (comparable to
most expensive second-line drug, lopinavir/ritonavir,
US prices) and the discounted prices obtained were still
far higher than the best prices available internationally. From 2003 onwards, the price of most patented anti-
In June 2005, the Brazilian government took a first step
retroviral drugs in Brazil fell only marginally It
towards issuing a compulsory licence for lopinavir/
was becoming clear that the government’s negotiating
ritonavir, announcing, in accordance with Brazilian law
Table 4. Best price of key antiretroviral drugs in Brazil and internationally.
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that this was in the public interest to sustain the
the scope of the original patent application Bristol-
HIV/AIDS treatment programme. At the same time, the
Myers Squibb objected that patients had no legal right to
government gave the patent holder, Abbott, 10 days to
challenge patents, but the court ruled that because
offer a reasonable price, but in fact negotiations were
pharmaceutical patents can lead to high prices and limit
protracted over 4 months, and concluded with the
access to medicines, patients are injured by them and
government agreeing on a price of US$1380 per patient
can challenge their legality. This ruling has important
per year for the old version and US$1518 for the heat-
consequences internationally, as similar cases in other
stable version. The discounted price obtained was still far
countries had been thrown out on this basis. Moreover,
higher than the best prices available internationally by
the court eventually found in favour of the plaintiffs,
Abbott (US$500 per patient/year), and production cost
opening the way for generic production. This court case
estimates published by the WHO (US$338 per patient/
strengthened the confidence of people with HIV/AIDS
year) In addition, the Brazilian government made
in fighting for access to medicines, although the direct
a number of concessions demanded by Abbott, includ-
impact in terms of access to antiretroviral drugs in
ing restricting the use of the compulsory licence, and a
Thailand was limited because by the time the legal
moratorium on future price negotiations until 2011
challenge had completed its course, standard national ARTregimens had been set and did not include didanosine.
In December 2005, these concessions forced civil societygroups (GTPI/REBRIP) together with the public
In early 2006, the Health and Development Foundation
attorney’s office to file a civil action lawsuit against both
of Thailand filed a legal challenge against GlaxoSmith-
the Brazilian government and Abbott, demanding the use
Kline (GSK)’s application for a patent on the zidovudine/
of compulsory licensing for lopinavir/ritonavir. The
lamivudine fixed-dose combination on the grounds of
judges have so far prevented the case from moving
‘nothing new’, arguing that the combining of two known
forward, arguing that a compulsory licence would pro-
drugs, neither of which were patented in Thailand, could
bably result in trade retaliation from the United States
not be considered sufficiently inventive to merit a patent.
while Brazil does not have capacity for local production.
The cost implications of a patent would have been
This is currently being challenged on the grounds that
significant: zidovudine/lamivudine has been produced
several laboratories (state-owned and private) do in fact
generically by the Thai GPO since 2003 at a sales price
of approximately US$276 per patient per year; theoriginator equivalent sales price was US$2436 per patient
Brazil finally issued its first compulsory licence for an
per year. The same legal challenge had been filed by civil
antiretroviral drug in May 2007 for the drug efavirenz,
society groups in India, and activists in both countries
currently used by 75 000 patients in Brazil This
co-ordinated their campaigns. In August 2006, several
followed recent negotiations with the patent holder,
hundred HIV-positive individuals demonstrated outside
Merck, which was only willing to offer a 2% discount on
GSK’s offices in Bangkok and Bangalore GSK
the current price (US$580 per patient/year), more than
withdrew the patent application in both countries the
twice the price offered to Thailand (US$244) after the
following day, and announced that it would also withdraw
Thai government issued a compulsory licence (see
applications or granted patents for this formulation in all
below). A generic version will be bought from India at
other countries Despite this promise, however, GSK
less than US$170 in a first stage, pending local production
continues to seek a patent for zidovudine/lamivudine
by public a laboratory. This move, which was forcefully
opposed by Merck, represents an important change inBrazil’s previous strategy of accepting industry conces-
Compulsory licensing for government (non-commercial)
sions without taking further action.
use has recently been employed in Thailand. The firstexample was for efavirenz. Since 2004, supply problems
had resulted in stock-outs at several hospitals. Cost was
In Thailand, direct negotiations with pharmaceutical
also limiting access: Merck was charging over double
companies have had mixed success Reducing
(US$468 per patient/year) the price available from Indian
the cost of antiretroviral drugs has focused on two
generics (US$216 per patient/year), and the MOPH
strategies: patent challenges and compulsory licensing.
budget was only able to cover two-thirds of the need. Following failed negotiations with Merck for a lower
The first successful challenge to an antiretroviral patent
price, the Thai Minister of Public Health announced in
was made by civil society groups against a patent for
November 2006 that a compulsory licence would be
didanosine. In May 2001, two patients and an AIDS non-
issued for efavirenz, a move strongly supported by civil
governmental organization filed a lawsuit against Bristol-
society groups Merck responded by offering a price
Myers Squibb, claiming that the patent application was
of US$288 per patient per year, but at the same time
invalid because details of the patent had been unlawfully
lobbied the US government and the Director General of
altered (a dose restriction in the original patent applica-
the WHO to pressure the Thai government to
tion was altered), extending the patent protection beyond
negotiate with Merck rather than issue a compulsory
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Sustaining access to antiretroviral therapy in developing countries Ford et al.
licence Despite this pressure, the Thai government
has followed through with the compulsory licence, and
the first supply of generic efavirenz arrived in Thailand in
Compulsory licences were issued for two more drugs in
early 2007, clopidogrel (for heart disease), and theantiretroviral drug lopinavir/ritonavir The latter
followed fruitless negotiations with the manufacturer,
Abbott Laboratories, between 2004 and 2006
Until 2006, the best price Abbott had offered the Thai
government was US$2967 per patient per year
Under global pressure from activist groups, Abbottannounced in early 2006 a price of US$500 per year for
least developed countries, but excluding middle countries
such as Brazil and Thailand Following continuedpressure, Abbott announced a price of US$2200 per
Fig. 1. Prices for lopinavir/ritonavir offered to Thailand and
patient per year for a list of countries defined by the
other middle-income countries. MOPH, Ministry of Public
company as ‘middle-income’ countries. This is, however,
Health; CL, Compulsory licensing. Note: In May 2007, the
more than six times the current cost of first-line ART, and
Thai MOPH was still paying the price for LPV/r offered by
far too expensive for a country such as Thailand, where
Abbott in August 2006. Later offers by Abbott had conditions
the average annual wage is US$1600 per year.
unacceptable to the Thai MOPH (no further price reductionand withdrawal of CL).
At the end of January 2007, the Thai MOPH tooksteps to issue a government use compulsory licence for
after pooled procurement negotiations, together with 65
lopinavir/ritonavir Abbott responded by offering
other countries, facilitated by the Clinton Foundation
a price of US$2000 per patient per year (at the time a
generic company was offering $1333 per patient/year). Given that the drug costs less than US$400 to manu-facture the MOPH proceeded with the com-pulsory licence. The company discounted the price again,
to US$1000 per patient per year for both the old and thenew version of the drug, and this offer was made available
Ensuring access to affordable generic medicines has been a
to 40 ‘middle-income’ countries including Brazil.
cornerstone of Brazil and Thailand’s universal access pro-grammes. The long-term success of these programmes will
At the same time, however, Abbott undertook an
be limited unless access to newer medicines is ensured.
aggressive lobbying campaign to block the compulsorylicensing. They announced that they would withhold
Middle-income countries such as Brazil and Thailand are
registration of all new medicines from Thailand, stating
caught in a double bind. Because they have manufactur-
that ‘Thailand has chosen to break patents on numerous
ing capacity they are heavily pressured by pharmaceutical
medicines, ignoring the patent system. As such, we’ve
companies, backed by the US government, to increase
elected not to introduce new medicines there’. This was
intellectual property protection. At the same time, they
despite the fact that the WHO and several governments
are viewed as emerging economies with rich elites
have confirmed that Thailand’s actions are fully compliant
representing lucrative markets, and so are excluded from
with international law Abbott also mounted a mis-
differential pricing policies offered to least-developed
information campaign to spread false information about
countries. The reality, however, is that HIV/AIDS is
Thailand’s compulsory licensing process, and requested
overwhelmingly a disease of the poor. Brazil and Thailand
that the US government pressure Thailand for allegedly
provide ART free to patients, but public health services
‘stealing’ their intellectual property; in response, the US
in these countries are unable to pay the high prices
government downgraded Thailand’s trade status to a
demanded by multinational pharmaceutical companies.
country with poor intellectual property protection. Civil
These concerns are not limited to antiretroviral medi-
society groups responded by demanding that the Thai
cines, but extend to all essential medicines.
Foreign Affairs and Commerce Ministries support theaction of the Public Health Minister more actively
The right of governments to override patents to protectpublic health is clearly established in international trade
In May 2007, a price of US$676 per patient per year for
law, as affirmed by the 2001 Doha Declaration on
generic heat-stable lopinavir/ritonavir was announced,
TRIPS and Public Health, and has been promoted by
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international institutions including the World Bank,
Brazil and Thailand are not alone in facing these
WHO and the United Nations Development Pro-
challenges. India is another country with strong domestic
gramme. In practice, however, developing country
drug production capacity. The country has a weak
governments have been pushed through trade pressure
national HIV/AIDS program compared to Brazil and
to implement much stricter intellectual property protec-
Thailand but is an important exporter of generic
tion than required under international agreements. They
antiretroviral drugs, currently providing approximately
are also subjected to further pressure not to use public
half of all antiretroviral medicines used in the developing
health safeguards when patents become a barrier to
world. India only met TRIPS requirements in 2005, and
accessing essential medicines. Abbott’s actions against
it remains unclear which medicines will be granted patent
Thailand are the clearest demonstration of this disregard
protection, and to what extent public health safeguards
for the public health safeguards in the patent system.
will be effective. These are critical issues for HIV/AIDStreatment programmes across the developing world.
Experience shows that negotiations with pharmaceuticalcompanies alone have largely failed to secure optimal
An informed and engaged civil society is essential to
prices. By relying on this strategy, Brazil is currently
supporting governments in putting health before trade,
paying up to four times more for second-line drugs
and speaking out against pressure from industry and
compared with prices available internationally. Company
developed country governments. As the need for newer
deals have also stunted the development of local generic
antiretroviral drugs increases, so the efforts of civil society
manufacturing capacity, and this is reflected by the fact
that no new generic AIDS drug has been produced inBrazil since 2002. Thailand spent several years negotiatingwith companies who failed to offer reasonable prices, and
this has limited treatment access for patients. By issuingcompulsory licences, the Thai government has given a
The authors would like to thank Jiraporn Limpananont of
clear indication to generics manufacturers both in the
the Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Chulalongkorn
country and abroad that generic production is worthwhile.
Cawthorne, Ellen ’t Hoen, Lawan Sarovat, and Tido
The importance of compulsory licensing to the sustain-
von Schoen-Angerer of Me´decins Sans Frontie`res for
ability of treatment programmes was highlighted by a
their valuable contributions to this manuscript.
recent World Bank evaluation of Thailand’s nationalHIV/AIDS programme. It stated: ‘Because Thailand
Disclaimer: The production of this special Supplement
stands to gain a great deal from bilateral agreements to
was supported by the World Bank, the Joint United
reduce trade barriers with trading partners like the United
Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS and the World
States, the Royal Thai Government may be tempted to
Health Organization. The findings, interpretations
relinquish its rights to grant compulsory licences for
and conclusions presented in this paper do not
AIDS drugs in exchange for proffered trade advantages.
necessarily reflect the views of these institutions or
The report finds that the cost of such concessions would
their constituent agencies or governments.
be large. For example, by exercising compulsory licensingto reduce the cost of second-line therapy by 90%, thegovernment would reduce its future budgetary obliga-
tions by 3.2 billion discounted dollars through 2025.’
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